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Holy Roman Empire-Chapter 893 - 156: George 1 in Action
Whether willing or not, since France had declared war on Germany, Leopold II could only grit his teeth and follow suit.
Leopold II would never do something as shameful as waging war without declaration, and the Belgian public wouldn’t allow it.
On September 28, 1890, amidst chaos, the Belgian government issued a public declaration of war against France.
There was no doubt that this declaration was not only for the French to see; it was more for Austria to witness.
It was as if declaring, "Big bro, your little bro has stepped up; now it’s your turn."
That afternoon, Franz made an anti-aggression speech at the Imperial Parliament, denouncing the shameful acts of France, and then the representatives unanimously passed the declaration of war against France.
The next day, Franz issued the "Letter to the French People" at the Vienna Palace, listing a series of war consequences, calling on the French public to stand up against their government’s aggressive war.
Doubtless, such advisory documents were utterly ineffective; war had already been declared, and it was not likely that the French would stop just because he shouted a few words.
Of course, if one could somewhat consider the Italians also as part of the French public, then this political showmanship was of perfect caliber.
After the announcement, anti-war and anti-aggression movements broke out in Rome and quickly spread to multiple Italian cities. If not for the incompetence of the Italian Independence Organization, it might have been another people’s uprising.
On September 29, 1890, the French government declared war on Austria, and on the same day, the French Army invaded Belgium and Luxembourg, marking the beginning of the European war.
In Hanover Palace, George I was incessantly cursing, "The damn British deceivers, all bunch of child-birth...."
From the expression alone, it was evident that George I was terribly duped by the British.
The German Federation was not weak, backed by Austria, and joined by the safety guarantees promised by the British, George I mistakenly believed that France’s target this time was only Belgium.
Under these circumstances, George I naturally pushed Austria to go ahead while he stayed back and watched.
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To drag Austria into the fray, George I actively cooperated during the early establishment of the Anti-French Alliance.
Having continuously maintained the alliance until the contracts had been signed and believing that the big picture was settled, coupled with the British’s continuous deceit, George I began to shirk his obligations.
Since the German Federation was internally chaotic, a little slow movement was justifiable, and he didn’t fear the allies pointing fingers at his responsibilities.
Apart from putting on a façade, George I did not urge the sub-states to expand the war preparations, and he always deflected allies’ urgings to the Imperial Parliament.
After Germany and Austria declared war on France, George I was secretly celebrating the success of his plan, unaware that the French would not even spare him, a mere observer.
He couldn’t escape anymore because, due to the butterfly effect, Luxembourg was still a member of the German Federation and hadn’t become independent.
As "the Gibraltar of the North," Luxembourg,a strategic location, was naturally not something the French could ignore.
Otherwise, once the war reached a critical moment and the German Army emerged from Luxembourg, the French could only weep.
As it turned out, the British assurance was worthless to the French. Regardless of whether the German Federation was involved in the war or not, the French Army had already made its move.
Unless George I could indifferently watch Luxembourg fall, this war was set for them.
"Your Majesty, please calm your wrath! The business with the British can be settled later. The urgent task now is to mobilize quickly to secure our western territories.
At the same time, we need to strengthen ties with our allies, eliminate previous misunderstandings, and find a way to win this war," Prime Minister Ewald advised.
Ignoring the Prime Minister, George I pressed, "What did the British say? With such a situation unfolding, shouldn’t they give us an explanation?"
The central government of the German Federation led by Hanover was predominantly Pro-British, and even the majority Pro-Austrian faction inside the German Federation was in extreme minority here.
The traditional friendship between Britannia and Hanover had been long-standing; for a long time, both countries shared a common monarch, and for nearly a century, they had been the closest allies.
The impact of this incident on George I was imaginable, and he no longer favored the pro-British faction leader Prime Minister.
"The British government claims it was a misunderstanding, and they are currently communicating with France, asking us to remain calm," Foreign Minister Weidelende nervously replied.
It could indeed be considered a misunderstanding, as Germany and France had not yet declared war on each other, theoretically leaving room for mediation.
Calm was impossible now, as the French Army was advancing on the Luxembourg region. George I could afford to be calm, but the soldiers on the front line could not.
No matter how pro-British, George I was not a fool. If the British Government forcefully declared their involvement, he could still wait and see. But casually calling it a misunderstanding was fooling a fool.
"Misunderstanding my foot, are the French troops in Luxembourg on vacation?
Tell the British, if the French Army does not withdraw from the German Region within 24 hours, then let it be war!"
The First, Second, and Seventh Divisions stationed in the Rhineland region were ordered to immediately provide reinforcements to Luxembourg, and the Ninth and Eleventh Divisions were ordered to move toward the Belgian region, ready to support Belgium at any time.
The representatives of the sub-states were informed that the Imperial Parliament would convene tonight. The government immediately issued a national mobilization order in the name of the Central Government.
Make arrangements; I need to go to Berlin tomorrow. At this point, we must seek support from Prussia.
...
At the critical moment, George I still displayed the qualities befitting a monarch, issuing a series of well-organized commands.
Not wanting to wage war with the French did not mean that the German Federation was unprepared for war. The German region had been in turmoil for centuries, and any vassal king that had survived was deeply rooted in strategic tradition and not to be underestimated.
The tension in Europe was palpable; how could they not be prepared? The biggest problem of the German Federation was coordination difficulty, not anything else.
George I was misled by the British, a decision born of desperation. Aligning with the French in battle now would mean a ninety-nine percent chance of losing his throne, regardless of the outcome.
If he lost the war, he would be either stripped of his throne by the French or overthrown by his people.
If he won, the merger of German-Austrian territories would become inevitable, and in the German region, the House of Gotha simply could not compete with the Habsburg dynasty, Hanover unable to compete with Austria.
For a monarch, losing the throne isn’t just about losing a title; it carries a lifelong disgrace.
The promises of the British were like a lifeline, the hidden desires in his heart making George I believe in them.
Now that the lies had been exposed, George I had come to his senses. Since war was inevitable, he had to face reality.
If he won this war, he still had bargaining capital, and even if he couldn’t save his throne, he could manage a dignified exit.
If he lost, he would lose all initiative, dependent solely on British support to sustain his regime, with the constant threat of being overthrown by the people.
Having just experienced these events, George I had lost faith in the British, ready to fend for himself.
To engage in battle with the French, the importance of the Kingdom of Prussia was now evident. With its glorious military achievements against the Russians, Prussia was the linchpin of the German Federation’s military strength.
Despite the heavy losses in previous wars and the Austrian pilfering of its resources post-war, Prussia still maintained a formidable combat capability.
"Your Majesty, given the current complex international situation, the British might very well side with the French. I propose that we temporarily suspend payments on the British loans," suggested Prime Minister Ewald in an attempt to remedy the situation.
The German Federation had been duped by the British, and as the leader of the Pro-British Faction who believed in the British promises, Prime Minister Ewald was definitely to be held accountable.
Not wanting to follow the doomed Prime Minister Ewald, a resolute shift was made from the Pro-British to the Anti-British faction.
Politicians, turning faces as if flipping through a book, such maneuvers are quite normal; Prime Minister Ewald felt no psychological pressure whatsoever.
"This might not be feasible. The British Government may support the French behind the scenes, but openly, Britain remains a neutral country.
If we declare a default on our debts now, we might actually push the British definitively into the camp of the French, making the situation even more disadvantageous for us," explained Foreign Minister Weidelende.
Now, in the 19th century, defaulting on debt is not a trivial matter. Forceful debt collection is quite common, and the only European country to have truly defaulted successfully is Russia.
Facing a British creditor, the German Federation clearly does not have the capacity to default. If they indeed did break off relations, it would be they who suffer the consequences.
After hesitating for a moment, George I gritted his teeth and said, "Cite financial strain from the outbreak of war as the reason, send a telegram to the British, telling them we need to postpone the loan payments.
This time they tricked us, and if nothing unexpected happens, the London Government will give us some reassurance.
By postponing the debt payments now, the British are unlikely to make a major move. Remember to keep the tone sincere, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should try to placate the British.
When necessary, we can make promises to the British that, as soon as the French troops withdraw, we will resume payments immediately."
George I was forced into reneging on the British debt; the Central Government of the German Federation was perpetually impoverished, not the sub-state governments.
Unable to collect taxes, the Central Government often couldn’t even pay its staff, necessitating Hanover’s finance department to cover the expenses.
War is a devourer of wealth, and the Central Government definitely could not provide the vast funds necessary for the war. Stay updated through novelbuddy
Getting the sub-state governments to bear the costs would lead to an endless blame game. At this juncture, every penny saved was a penny earned, and postponing British debt payments was preferable to financial bankruptcy.
This also served as a warning to the British not to overplay their hand, for if the German Federation fell, so would their debts.
Unfortunately, George I lacked the confidence, and any intimidation in his warning dissipated.