Holy Roman Empire-Chapter 1033 - 47, Enemy in the Parliament

Chapter 1033: Chapter 47, Enemy in the Parliament

“Where will the money come from?”

Finance Minister Pavel Lissitzan issued a soul-searching question.

It was hard to determine exactly how poor the Tsarist Government was, but it was certain they had no money to repair the Siberian Railway.

As early as 1891, the Tsarist Government had organized road experts to initiate the Siberian Railway survey plan. Indeed, it was initiated by Nicholas II after he survived an assassination attempt in Japan.

Although Alexander III was a peace advocate among the Tsars, he was also a good father. Had it not been for transportation limitations, the Russo-Japanese War would probably have started right after the end of the Anglo-Russian War.

Whether out of immediate anger or prior preparation, the Siberian Railway plan had commenced.

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The survey results were terrifying, starting from Moscow, traversing vast pine forests, crossing the Ural Mountain Range, and passing through the vast permafrost of Siberia before finally reaching the Pacific Ocean.

The journey was long, and although it wasn’t as extensive as Shinra’s Circular Railway, the natural conditions were severe.

For the same railroad construction, if the cost of building a railway on the plain was 1, then the construction cost of the Siberian Railway could be 2, 3, 4…

With empty pockets, actions lacked firmness. While the Tsarist Government hesitated about whether to start the Siberian Railway construction project, the Vienna Government took action.

The equally tempting “Central Asia Railway Plan” was unveiled, making the Tsarist Government even more hesitant. However, before the Russians could hesitate for long, the Vienna Government made the decision for them with an “aid in construction” offer.

A look at the map showed that both the Siberian and Central Asia Railways involved astronomical construction costs.

Forcing the already impoverished Tsarist Government to bear this cost was undoubtedly fatal. To construct the Siberian Railway, Russians had scrimped and saved.

From 1891 to 1901, the Tsarist Government had invested 1.46 billion Rubles, far exceeding the military expenses of the same period.

After 13 years of hard work, on July 13, 1904, the world’s longest railway line finally began operations, and the subsequent works continued with many setbacks until completion in 1916.

In comparison, the construction conditions for the Central Asia Railway were slightly better, but only just.

Although it did not require being surrounded by permafrost all year round, the continuous mountains in the Afghan Region were equally grueling.

Whether due to strategic needs or in consideration of their finances, the Tsarist Government resolutely chose the Central Asia Railway.

Even knowing that the Vienna Government was calculating the England and Russia relationship, the Tsarist Government had no room to refuse.

As one optimistic Tsarist Government minister put it, “No matter how many calculations the Austrians make, the Central Asia Railway is always beneficial for the Empire. Whether or not to go southward, the initiative is still in our hands.”

Theoretically, there was nothing wrong; the initiative for moving southward indeed lay in the hands of the Tsarist Government, and the Vienna Government couldn’t make decisions for them.

This could deceive ordinary people, but with such a large chunk of juicy India right on the table, not to carve it up—would they still be the greedy Bear?

Essentially, the proposal by the Economic Minister to help the Russians build the Siberian Railway was similar. Once the railway was functioning, nothing else needed to be done; the greedy Bear would go out and hunt for itself.

The Bear moving eastward would indeed harm British interests, but this was trivial compared to moving southward into India.

By then, containing the growth of the Russians would not be just Britain’s concern alone; Holy Rome would also not sit by and watch the Russians complete the “Yellow Russia Plan.”

If handled properly, the eventual outcome would evolve into: both Anglo-Austria countries tricking the Bear together.

Assuming a proxy war took place, the Russians would be severely weakened. Although it was uncertain how much could be guaranteed, keeping them in check for a decade was not difficult.

The most important thing was that a thorn had been planted in the Russian-Austrian Alliance, meaning the two countries, even if not coming to blows, could not remain as close as they currently were.

If everything went smoothly, during a future Anglo-Austrian dominance struggle, the Tsarist Government would also find ways to drag Holy Rome down.

The plan was perfect, and the only issue was: where would the money come from to build the “Siberian Railway”?

The relationship between England and Russia was not as close as that between Russia and Austria; the Vienna Government’s helping the Russians build the Central Asia Railway was merely a partial financial advance.

This covered mainly project surveys, design, and management expenses, while labor and raw materials were still provided by the Tsarist Government.

Given the Russian-Austrian Alliance, even if there were domestic objections, the Vienna Government could manage.

But this approach would not work for Britannia; the blood from the Anglo-Russian Afghan War had not yet dried.

At this time, to contribute money and effort to help the Russians build railways, the families of soldiers who died in the Anglo-Russian War would probably tear their hearts out.

If it incited public outrage, the Opposition Party would definitely exacerbate the situation. Although national interests were important, party interests were even more critical.

Support what the enemy supports, and oppose what the enemy opposes. This has always been common in politics; what mattered was not whether it was right, but what needed to be done.

If it were just a funding shortfall of one or two million British Pounds, it might be possible to scrape it together, shield it from the public eye, and settle the accounts with special expenditure.

However, for the Siberian Railway, without an investment of hundreds of millions of British Pounds, it would be impossible to operate.

Even if the Russians contributed labor and materials, it would still require tens of millions of British Pounds. To use such a significant sum, no matter the method, it could not be kept secret.

Naval Minister Frola: “It’s not just about the money. Given our tense relationship with the Russians, even if we offer to help build the Siberian Railway, the Tsarist Government probably wouldn’t trust us.

Unless we just provided money, without touching the railway survey, design, and construction, they simply wouldn’t feel secure.”

This was an inevitable outcome. Suddenly one day, when the enemy knocks on your door offering to help build your railway, anyone would suspect a conspiracy.

From the standpoint of the Tsarist Government, when the British proposed helping to build the Siberian Railway, the Russians’ first reaction was probably, “This is sabotage.”

After all, the construction of the Central Asia Railway had reached a critical moment, and it would be operational within a few years; it was normal for the British to feel the pressure.

For the safety of India, it was flawless for Britannia to sabotage the construction of the Central Asia Railway.

Although the Russian Empire was vast, the mobilization capacity of the Tsarist Government was limited. The Central Asia Railway construction had already mobilized a large amount of manpower and resources. Starting construction on the Siberian Railway would obviously increase logistical pressure.

To explain is to disguise; no matter what the British Government said, the Russians would assume it was a British conspiracy, attempting to use the Siberian Railway project to delay the progress of the Central Asia Railway construction.

To help with surveying and construction is even more out of the question. Who knows if a railway built with British help would even be usable?

As Flora had said, unless it’s just giving money and letting the Russians handle it themselves, the Tsarist Government would never feel secure.

The problem is that even just giving money, the British Government wouldn’t be secure either. Who could guarantee that once the Russians received the money, they would spend it on building the Siberian Railway and not use it as military expenditure to move south toward India?

Neither the British Government nor the Tsarist Government had integrity. Getting two nations lacking basic trust to cooperate was indeed very difficult.

Foreign Minister Cameron: “The issue of trust is actually not hard to resolve. We can have a third country step in and communicate with the Russians if it’s inconvenient for us to do so directly.

It wouldn’t be difficult to convince the Russian military-industrial complex to agree to build the Siberian Railway either, especially since the current Tsar is Nicholas II. The unpleasant trip to Tokyo has always gnawed at Nicholas II.

From Nicholas II’s personal standpoint, seeking revenge on Japan by moving east might be a greater temptation than moving south toward India.

After all, we are not easily crushed. Even if the Central Asia Railway became operational, the Russians’ chances of success would still not be high.

Compared to moving south, pushing east would obviously have a higher success rate and bring greater benefits.

If the Russians could implement the Yellow Russian plan before the struggle for domination concluded, it would end up being a three-way balance of power.

No one wants to be the underdog if they can be the leader, especially not the proud Russians.

Although the Russian-Austrian relations seem good, in many Russians’ hearts, there is resentment towards the Holy Roman Empire’s dominance over the European Continent.

This bait is already enough to make the Russians take the hook. Once the Tsarist Government takes this step, the Russian-Austrian Alliance would end.

Vienna might tolerate a strong Russian Empire, but it absolutely cannot tolerate a Russian Empire that threatens its own standing.

In a sense, the threat posed by the Russians to the Holy Roman Empire is much greater than ours.

After all, they are both continental powers and happen to be neighbors. The European Continent, vast as it is, cannot accommodate two dominators.

By comparison, the problem of funding is more difficult to resolve. Those old men in Parliament would not agree to fund the Russians, even if it was strategically necessary.”

“The enemy is in Parliament,” a lament of every British Government. Without exaggeration, the British Parliament brings more trouble to the government than any enemy.

Were it not for Parliament and the Opposition party dragging their feet, the international situation would not have evolved to its current state.

During the mid-Europe war period, the previous British Government had intended to send troops, but Parliament’s bickering and dealings with the Opposition party wasted a lot of time.

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By the time they reached a decision, the French’s influence had waned. With the dust settled, there was no choice but to betray their allies. Being allies with Britannia in prosperity could be considered, but sharing hardships was out of the question.

Similar events were not isolated incidents. Tracing further back, there were several previous wars with the Ottomans, the French annexation of Italy, the Austrian annexation of South German … and a series of international events.

The Britannia of 1895 couldn’t subdue the Holy Roman Empire, but the Britannia of forty years earlier definitely had the capability to prevent Austrian expansion.

Not to mention stopping the Austrian annexation of South German, at least they could have disrupted Austrian colonial plans. Royal Navy’s absolute dominance continued until the early 1980s.

Before that, the Austrian Navy was just a junior. Only when the Pre-Dreadnoughts emerged did the gap narrow to a capability of mutual destruction.

Of course, because of the times, the two major bosses, France and Russia, attracted the fire, leading politicians of the time to underestimate the Austrian threat.

By the time the British Government started to pay attention, the Holy Roman Empire was nearly established, and by then it was too late.

There is no antidote for regret in this world. Britannia’s dominance encountered its most serious challenge.